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LETTEU ON THE CRISIS, 



HON. ROBERT McCLELLAND, 



Detroit, December 31, 1860. 
Hon. Robert McClelland : 

Dea7- Sir : — The undersigned are impressed with the conviction 

that a calamity, such as this country never saw, is impending over 

it — that it is being drifted into ruin by ultra men, South and 

North; that government and politicians alike failing, there is no 

hope of extrication by any power, after God, but that of the people 

themselves in their primary masses, moving of themselves and for 

themselves, and who need but to know the truth to devise the 

remedy. 

We ask you, therefore, as a citizen universally known to the 
people of this State, and whose past relations to them and to the 
country at large, entitle your representations to weight and respect 
ful consideration, to present to and for the public your views upon 
a crisis in the condition of our National affairs, the gravest in it.« 
aspect and consequences hitherto experienced in our history. 

Disconnected 'from politics since your retirement from the na- 
tional councils, we regard you as a conservative man, who can, in 
an exigency like this, execute the obligations of duty devolving 




H44 



upon every patriotic citizen, uninfluenced by any political considera- 
tions whatever. 

"We are. truly, 
1 Your friends and fellow citizens, 

H. K. SANGER, HENRY CHIPMAN, 

F. BUHL, HENRY L. CHIPMAN, 

C. C. TROWBRIDGE, E. N. WILLCOX, 

JNO. WINDER, A. D. ERASER, 

C. HURLBUT, D. F. DWIGHT, 

A. H. DEY, W. N. CARPENTER, 

A. H. ROOD, THEO. H. HINCHMAN, 
R. N. RICE, AUG. E. BISSELL, 

B. L. WEBB, L. W. TINKER, 
GEO. BISSELL. JAMES BURNS, 

GUY F. HINCHMAN. 



Detroit, January 2, 1861. 
Gentlemen : 

Thanking you for the kind terms in wliich your re(|uest for 
my views upon the impending crisis is communicated, I feel it to 
be my duty, under the circumstances, to promptly respond to it. 

I have never, until recently, entertained any fear of the dis- 
solution of the Union; but the danger is now so apparent, that 
it would manifest arrant recklessness not to admit it. The apatliy 
of the people, and the general belief that the impending storm 
will blow over, without doing any serious harm, are lamentable. 
The stubborn foct boldly presents itself — instead of longer trying 
to deceive ourselves, it is the duty of every citizen to exert all 
his energies to prevent the sad catastrophe. This can only be 
done by combining the Union sentiment of the wliole country. 
We never required more the patriotic and self-sacrificing spirit 
which inspired our ancestors in the achievement of our liberties. 

The moderate men of all sections should be induced to act. 
Whenever the conservative element is thoroughly aroused — and to 
tliis the appeal should be made — such an adjustment of our diflB- 
cultics will be cff"ectcd as will forever remove the cause of con- 



3 

tention from our national councils, restore harmouj, and insure 
the stability of our institutions. 

Crimination and recrimination have been carried too far. As 
with neighbors, so with the States, we should endeavor to hide, 
and not expose, each other's faults. Reason and reflection upon 
facts as they really are, have not had their proper influence. Un- 
doubtedly, both sections of the Union have been in the wrong, 
a mutual admission of which would tend more than anything else 
to promote a common redress of grievances and a reconciliation 
upon a lasting basis. The occasion demands that the people shall 
speak for themselves, and not through the ordinary channels, which, 
it is feared, have become too partisan in their character to be 
reliable. 

How seldom .do we bear in mind that when the Declaration 
of Independence was proclaimed, slavery was a domestic institution 
in every one of the Colonies ; that it exi&ted in all the States, 
except Massachusetts, when the constitution was adopted ; that our 
present system of government never could have been established, 
if the slavery question had not been amicably adjusted; that the 
South is principally indebted to Great Britain and the commercial 
States of the North for their peculiar institution ; that the African 
slave trade is now carried on, to a great extent, by the vessels 
and capital of the northern cities; and that history proves that 
we, of the Northwest, owe to the South not only the soil on which 
we live, but protection in our infancy against savage and foreign 
foes, by which alone we have been enabled to expand to our pre- 
sent magnificent proportions. 

It would be folly to attempt to disguise the fact that, from a 
misconception of its provisions, much of the bitterness of feeling 
that has been manifested by the North towards the South, arose 
from the passage and subsequent execution of the Fugitive Slave 
Law. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise increased it, not- 
withstanding many of our people were favorable to the pfinciple 
of popular sovereignty. Yet this feeling was rapidly subsiding 
when the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case 
was announced, which seemed to imbitter the minds of the north- 
ern people the more, because they -were taught to believe that 
some of the most important questions decided were pre eminently 



political iu their character, and not properly before the court for 
adjudication. This was quickly followed by the Lecoinptou measure, 
which gave the greatest intensity to the excitement. These, I be- 
lieve, are the chief causes of the hostility entertained, and too 
often exhibited by portions of the North, towards the South. 

On the other hand, the South have felt deeply aggrieved at 
the prospect of being excluded, with their peculiar property, from 
the territory which was obtained from Mexico. They contend that 
it was acijuired by the common sacrifice and eflforts of all the 
States, towards which the South contributed far more of men than 
their full share ; that the Federal government has no power to ex- 
tend or restrict slavery — no more than to establish or abolish it; 
that it has no right to distinguish between the domestic institutions 
of one State or section and another, in order to favor the one and 
discourage the other. They also complain of the obstacles thrown 
in the way of the prompt and eflScient execution of the fugitive 
slave law, and that the fugitive is not only harbored and protected, 
but afforded the means of escape by northern people. 

Although the abolitionists, contrary to the spirit of the con- 
stitution, had attacked the institution of slavery in the States, 
long before the raid of John Brown on Harper's Ferry, yet the 
southern people did not believe that their doctrines had taken firm 
hold of the northern mind, until that event occurred. The manner 
in which it was treated by some portions of the North, could have 
uo other than an exa.speratu)g effect upon the southern mind. 
Some even justified his violence, bloodshed and treason, and held 
him up as a martyr in the cause of human liberty, while others 
made the action of the surprised and unprotected citizens of Har- 
per's Ferry the tiieme of reproach and ridicule. Sober reflection 
has since taught all the baseness and atrocity of the act, and to 
abhor the principal actor as a dangerous and desperate felon. 

Before this could be understood and liave its proper effect, how- 
ever, tlie South was again alarmed by the bold enunciation of the 
doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict" — "that all the States must be 
free or all slave." AVhatever may have been the intention of those 
who originated it, there can be no doubt of the meaning honestly 
attaclied to it by the southern people. I am persuaded, a large 
portion of the republiean party never imagined that sucli an inter- 



pretation would have been seriously given to these expressions, — 
and did not intend, if they obtained the power, to prostitute it 
to such purpose. The masses were too much engaged and excited 
to reflect gravely upon the subject, their primary object being to 
triumph over their opponents. Nevertheless, a fair construction of 
the language will lead to no other conclusion than that deduced 
by the southern people, as it obviously relates to the States, and 
cannot properly be applied to the Territories. 

This doctrine excited the people of the southern States to such 
a degree, that they cannot believe it is not the fixed policy 
of the North to extinguish slavery in the States. It must be 
acknowledged that the language in which it was announced was 
unfortunate, and that the interpretation given to it may lead to 
frightful consequences. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt of 
the loyalty of the people of the North to the constitution, and of 
their willingness to discharge, with fidelity, all their obligations 
under it. With the exception of the abolitionists, there is really 
no hostility in the northern States to slavery, as it exists in the 
southern States. A large majority of our people consider it a 
domestic institution, with which they have no more concern than 
if it was in a foreign nation, and that it appropriately belongs to 
the States sustaining it to manage it as they please. They know 
they have not the right to interfere with it, directly or indirectly, 
and whenever the opportunity presents itself, they will honestly 
and cheerfully proclaim that they have no disposition to interfere with 
it. If any further constitutional guarantee on this point is required 
to give quiet and repose, I have no doubt it will be granted. 

There are those among us, but their number is small, who are 
in favor of destroying the relation existing between the free and 
servile races of the South; but emancipation in the West India 
Islands is of too recent date, and the evils resulting from it too 
obvious and too well authenticated, to encourage any such scheme 
among us. It was commenced there under the most favorable 
auspices. Sufiicient time has elapsed to test its efficacy and de- 
velop its fruits. The result has been a great deficiency of labor, 
notwithstanding the population is numerous, the importation of 
coolies large, and many captives from African slavers have been 



6 

taken there as apprentices. From the highest state of prosperity 
these islands liave been reduced to comparative barbarism. 

The principal (|uestion connected with this .subject that now 
agitates the people of the North, relates to the Territories. In 
regard to this the tone of feeling has been rapidly and radically 
changing, since the attention of the public has Ken aroused to 
its consideration. 

All well informed men, who have reflected upon it, believe 
that slavery caimot be taken to and retained permanently in any 
Territory now belonging to the country. Either the climate or 
productions forbid it; and there is too much uncultivated land,, 
suitable for slave labor, in the southern States, far superior to any 
in the Territories, to permit the withdrawal from such States of 
any large number of slaves, the demand being much greater than 
the supply. Moreover, the North has more than double the white 
population of the South — a population noted for their restlessness, 
and by their pursuits so well adapted to emigration as to leave 
no doubt that in the nature of things they would far outnumber 
the southern people in those Territories which invite free lalx)r. 
Besides this, if we take into consideration the non-slaveholding 
population of the slave States, and the foreign immigration, we will 
be satisfied that, without any Territorial restriction, our advantages 
are very great. 

The plan of submitting all (questions involving domestic insti- 
tutions to the settlers of the Territory, might, under ordinary cir- 
cumstances, be satisfactory. Our experience teaches that they 
would not meddle with this question ; they are always desirous of 
increasing their population and property. But by what mean.s^ 
could they be protected against mischievous intimJers? 

In view of the peril which tlireatens the existence of the nation, 
I deem it the duty of all citizens to rise above mere party con- 
biderations, and to sacrifice mere pride of opinion to the welfare 
of the country. The alternatives are, the relimiuishment of an 
abstract theory of Territorial dependence or independence — of a 
principle applying to the transitory condition of a Territorial govern- 
ment; or the overthrow of tlie Union. Of the many proposi- 
tions presented I can therefore conceive of no safer solution of 
tho difficulty than the entire withdrawal of the apple of discord 



from tho general and local governments, until tbe people of the 
Territory shall form and adopt a State constitution, preparatory 
to admission into ihe Union. I believe every western man's ex- 
perience will convince him that to this proposition, notwithstand- 
ing the bitter discussion that has been had upon tho subject, the 
people of a Territory, if let alone, would give a hearty approval 
This plan could be adopted by Congress, and would serve to allay 
the present excitement until the principle could be guaranteed by 
an amendment of the Constitution. It possesses this advantage 
over the extension of the Missouri Compromise line, or any other 
division line, that it effects the same purpose, does not conflict 
with the decisions of the Supreme Court, and would not subject 
its friends to the attack of the fanatic and demagogue, who would 
denounce any line that might be defined as the Black Line, and 
perhnps prevent many of our people from properly understanding 
its true object. The actual design would be the same in both 
cases. 

It will be long before any new territory will be acquired, ex- 
cept, perhaps, Mexico. That is one of the finest and most invit- 
ing countries in the world ; and, as it cannot long exist in its 
present degraded and revolutionary condition, it may present the 
grave question, whether we will take it or permit it to fall into 
the hands of one of the great powers of Europe. If acquired by 
us it will probably be by treaty; but however done, it mui-t be 
the joint work of the North and the South, either being able to- 
defeat further acquisition. In any event, it will be for the whole 
nation to say whether, under the circumstances, it would forego 
the acquisition on account of tLis principle. 

The Fugitive Slave Law, which has been so much misunder- 
stood and misrepresented, may be modified so as to meet the ob- 
jections urged against it, and at the same time be made far more 
efficient. It is difficult to overcome the prejudices excited by the 
denunciations heaped upon it. It seems to me if it was so 
amended as to require the examination to be had before the Uni- 
ted States Judge of the district in which the fugitive may be 
arrested, and if he claims to be free, and the Judge remands 
him. he shall have a fair and impartial jury trial in the State ta 
which he is returned, the people of the North would be satisfied. 



8 

The machinery of the law coulJ be very easily adapted to secure 
to the fugitive all his rights there. It ie well unJerstood that 
the southern courts are favorable to the .slave in trials fur his 
freedom. So pre-eminently true is this, that during all the pas- 
sion and crimination growing out of the slavery difficulty, no one 
has charged these courts with oppression or partiality in cases of 
this nature. Their liberal and enlightened judgments in this 
respect have elicited the unqualified admiratiun of all our jurists. 

It is painful to hear some of our peo[de flippantly say, '-Let the 
southern States go; they cannot live without us, and will be glad 
to return — it is folly to think of compromising with them." Surely 
such are not aware that the southern States possess, within 
themsclve.'^. all the material elements of a great nation. Their 
climate, soil, and diversified productions show this. They have ;i 
large foreign and domestic commerce, and vast mineral resources. 
Their agricultural and manufacturing capacities are unlimited. To 
all this add their valuable and peculiar staples, and consider how 
closely the institution of slavery will bind them together, and the 
conclusion is irresistible that, unmolested, a Southern Confederacy 
would make a great and powerful nation. 

If some suitable adjustment be not speedily effected, all the 
cotton Stales will secede, and soon draw after them the border 
slave Stales, The general government will probably cndeav()r to 
collect duties at all the southern ports, from Wilmingiou in Del- 
aware, to Whciiling in Virginia, and to enforce its revenue and 
commercial laws and regulations. This will require an extraordi- 
nary increase of the navy, and the incidental expenses will be 
enormous. If any opposition is made by these States, and coer- 
cion should be resorted to, what will follow ? I am aware the 
opinion prevails, to some extent, that the North could easily sub- 
due the South by force of arms, but it is a great mitrtake. The 
white population of the lyorthern States exceeds eighteen millions; 
that of the southern States eight millions, — more than two to one 
it is true, — but we must take into consiLcralion that wo would be 
compelled to act on the offensive, and their policy would be in a 
great measure defensive, which would give them a positive advan- 
tage. The southern people are distingu'shed for their frankness, 
generosity and hospitality; at the same time, (b^-y are a brave, 



9 

gallant, and patriotic people, to which all our old residents will 
testify so long as the history of the battles of the River Raisin 
and the Thames is fresh in their recollections. Moreover, they 
may obtain aid from abroad. It is a grave error to suppose that^ 
notwithstanding the facilities for free trade and other advantages 
that may be tendered, the nations of Europe will not recognize a 
Southern Confederacy because of the institution of slavery. We 
should recollect that they are generally governed by their politi- 
cal and material interests. And will not the prospect of the fail- 
ure of the republican experiment, as it is termed, be hailed by 
them with delight; and may we not rest assured that any chance 
of stimulating our downfall would be seized by them with eager- 
ness? Nothing can be conceived, in my opinion, which will to a 
greater extent aid absolutism — the favorite doctrine of most of 
the sovereigns of Europe. 

But suppose the North triumphant, our success would in all 
probability result in our own destruction. Such was the opinion 
of General Jackson, from whose farewell address I quote : " If 
(says he) such a struggle is once begun, and the citizens of one 
section of the country arrayed in arms against those of another, 
in doubtful conflict, let the battle result as it may, there will be 
an end of the Union, and with it an end of the hopes of free- 
dom. The victory of the injured would not secure to them the 
blessings of liberty : it would avenge their wrongs, but they 
would themselves share in the common ruin." 

Suppose, on the other hand, the southern States were permit- 
ted to secede peaceably, and a Southern Confederation was formed, 
are we certain there would then be only the two governments, 
and that the North could retain all the free States ? Where would 
the States on the Pacific go? What of Pennsylvania, New Jer- 
sey, Indiana and Illinois, (the southern portion of the two last 
being peopled principally by the South) ? Would they attach 
themselves to a Northern Confederacy, when so many substan- 
tial inducements could be proffered them to connect their for- 
tunes with the southern States ? Upon the hypothesis that there 
would be only two confederacies, the one composed of the free, 
and the other of the slave States, what treaty of amity and 
concord could be formed between them ? Would the South enter 



10 

into any bond of fello^\ship with u?, uiless as a preliminary we 
would bind ourselves to respect their peculiar property, to 
promptly deliver up all fugitive slaves, or make ample compensa- 
tion for them, and to prevent our citizens from carrying on a 
continual and vexatious warfare upon their domestic insiilutions ? 
The South could not in honor demand lc?s, and under the cir- 
cumstances that would then exist, would ihe Nortu grant it ? 
The result would engender bitter feeling; strife and diflBculty 
would prevail constantly along the entire border, inevitably end- 
ing id* war of the most destructive character. 

Our business relations with the South, amounting in value to 
more than five hundred millions of dollars annually, would, to a 
great extent, be destroyed. "We already feel, in thi^ Slate, the 
blighting effects of the crisis. Our people have lost millions by 
reduction in the price of their staple commodities, consequent 
upon it. But all this is preparatory — the mere prelude to the 
terrible event. What shall be our condition when it is consum- 
mated ? Trade must seek new channels ; capital involved in the 
old will be unable to extricate itself. Public works, the result of 
years of enlightened enterprise and industry, will be rendered use- 
less. Wc shall, in fact, be a dismembered body. The arteries 
of our commerce will bo rudely torn asunder, thenceforth never 
to perform their functions of strength and prosperity to the 
country. Yet the evils will not end in material ruin only. 
When we rise to the higher positions of morals, religion, and 
true statesmanship, the spectacle becomes appalling. Morality 
and religion will be swept away in the tides of license and bru- 
tality which follow civil commotion. The Republic will be qast 
from her preeminence in the family of nation.s. No free govero- 
ment would be permanent ; none would be strong for protection 
or defence ; and the whole countr}', torn and distracted by fac- 
tions, would certainly be reduced to the disgraceful condition of 
the Spanish American States. 

Under such circumstances, when our institutions, which have 
commanded the respect and admiration of the world, are in immi- 
nent danger, should anything bo left undone which would tend to 
arrest the progress of the revolution already begun ? Public sen- 
timent can be reached, and I am satisfied if any rational solution 



11 

-t)f tbe difficulty was presented to the country, it would be cheer- 
fully adopted. 

My faith is in the good sense and patriotism of the American 
people. They should be aroused, and the questions at issue 
should, by some means, be committed to their disposal, so that 
their sober determinations may be had in such manner as to be 
unmistakable. 

If Congress will not act, let the Legislatures of the several States 
initiate proceedings under the constitution. And as no amend- 
ments proposed by a National convention are valid, unless ratified 
by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by 
conventions in three-fourths thereof, no fair minded man can ob- 
ject to this mode of procedure to attain so important an object. 

The conservative men of the South are making constant ap- 
peals to our magnanimity and patriotism, and thus far we have 
been not only regardless of their entreaties, but have furnished 
arguments against, and thus rendered them powerless. Are the 
peace and prosperity df the country of no consequence to us ? 
Will we give the South a respectful hearing, or treat their com- 
plaints with scorn and contempt? Remembering that our very 
existence as a free people, and the cause of liberty throughout 
the world, are at stake, we should place ourselves in the right, 
treating our fellow countrymen as brothers, doing everything in 
our power to restore peace and love for one another among our 
citizens, making every reasonable concession; and then if civil war 
with all its calamities befalls us, we shall, at least, have the con- 
solation of knowing that we hwe discharged our duties as good 
citizens with fidelity. 

With high regard, 

Your ob't servant, 

R. McClelland. 

Messrs. Sanger, Buhl, and others. 



LIBRPRY OF CONGRESS 




